FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE HEARING ON RAMSI
Monday 15th September 2008
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Mr Chairman: Members of the Foreign Relations Committee, Sir Allan Kemakeza, Former Prime Minister of Solomon Islands, stakeholders and members of the public, first of all, I on behalf of the Committee would like to thank you, sir, for availing yourself to this very important enquiry into and review of matters relating to the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands.
The Foreign Relations Committee acknowledges the critical role you played in inviting the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands, and thus your attendance here today is of great importance to this inquiry.
We would also like to extend our most sincere thanks to the Commissioner of Correctional Services and the Commandant of Rove Prison for facilitating the attendance of Sir Allan today. The Committee knows that through that kind assistance the Committee was only required to invite witnesses and did not have to use its powers under the Privileges and Immunities of Parliament Act 2007 to obtain his attendance. This is, of course, how committees of Parliament operate based.
As you are aware, Sir Allan, what you say in this hearing is protected by parliamentary privilege. This hearing is also being broadcast live by SIBC and video recorded by ‘One News’.
We will now proceed with the hearing. We will first hear the 30 minutes presentation from the witness and after that this Committee will ask questions of the witness. May I now ask the witness to please state your name for the record.
Sir Kemakeza: Thank you, Chairman. My name is Sir Allan Kemakeza, former Member of Parliament for Savo/Russells and now an inmate at the Rove Prison.
Mr Chairman: Can I invite you now to make a statement?
Sir Kemakeza: Thank you Chairman. Honorable Members of the Committee, the Secretariat, officials and the public, thank you for giving me this great opportunity to come and make my presentation or evidence or comments on this very important inquiry.
The task before you Members is to inquire or reveal the Facilitation of the International Assistance Notice 2003 provided for in accordance with the Facilitation Act, Section 3 of 2008.
Secretariat, I will present my statement orally but please write down what I say not write down what I did because healthy people don’t want doctors but only sick people want doctor and Solomon Islands is sick and therefore it needs a doctor.
Let me say at the outset that first this Committee must do is to understand what Solomon Islands is like. Members you are asking me to come and give evidence and comment about a country that is already divided. Solomon Islands is already divided in many forms and in many aspects. Here we are dealing with the country that is already divided geographically as it is a country of many islands divided by water from the east to the west and from the north to the south. Traditionally, there are many customs and traditions, values and practices. Linguistically there are more than 80 or 100 languages in the country. You can find this out in the records. Religious, there are many religions. Ownership –customary, tribal ownership. Native, we are natives of many islands. Thinking, our thinking is already regionalism or wantok business and the reason is because we come from many islands and many customs. Matrimonial system, there are two and not one. Government, we have 11 governments and the twelfth is the national government. Ethnically, that is what made us to fight from 1998 to 2003. That is the first point, and that is to look at ourselves first. We look at Solomon Islands first. And this is what RAMSI came in to settle, this fighting from 1998 to 2003. That is the mission of RAMSI. It came into straighten and settle the fighting. For me, the Mission still has a long way to go, and I’ll tell you why. That is why the task of this Committee is tough and quite sensitive - to justify and subsequently make a report to Parliament either to continue or dismantle RAMSI. This is the biggest task for this Committee given by Parliament. But for me you already have enough materials before you to make the decision or to make recommendations.
First, there is the Forum work Agreement. The 2003 Forum Foreign Ministers Outcome Statements that was held in Sydney. The 2003 July Treaty, the 2003 Facilitation International Assistance Act and the Forum Task Force Review on RAMSI 2007 Report. I know you already have these materials before the Committee. But because you require me to come and give my views, I would like to first of all ask two questions before the Committee. Despite of our differences, despite of the geographically division of the country, I want to ask two questions to the Committee. The first question is, why did the colonial government and the churches succeed in ruling Solomon Islands in the last 100 years? You find the answer to the question. Why did the colonial government, although it was for 85 years but it continued to rule, it succeeded in bringing Solomon Islands together and has ruled the country peacefully for those long years and it succeeded? That was the colonial government and the churches.
The second question is, why is the Solomon Islands Government not successful in the last 30 years? Why was the Solomon Islands Government not successful in the last 30 years and that is why the people of Guadalcanal took up arms and chased people from other provinces away, but Malaitans have been heavily affected and that is why they also took up arms and fought back. That was what happened. That is the 1998 ethnic tension.
Having asked those two questions, I want all Committee members to get out a copy of the Constitution. I also have my copy here. Can the Secretariat read the preamble of the Constitution? You read the preamble of the Constitution.
Secretariat: “We the people of Solomon Islands, proud of the wisdom and the worthy customs of our ancestors, mindful of our common and diverse heritage and conscious of our common destiny, do now, under the guiding hand of God, establish the sovereign democratic State of Solomon Islands;
As a basis of our united nation declare that:
(a) all power in Solomon Islands belongs to its people and is exercised on their behalf by the legislature, the executive, and the judiciary established by this Constitution;
(b) the natural resources of our country are vested in the people and the government of Solomon Islands;
Agree and Pledge that:
(a) our government shall be based on democratic principles of universal suffrage and the responsibility of executive authorities to elected assemblies;
(b) we shall uphold the principles of equality, social justice and equitable distribution of incomes;
(c) we shall respect and enhance human dignity and strengthen and build on our common solidarity;
(d) we shall cherish and promote the different cultural traditions within Solomon Islands; and
(e) we shall ensure the participation of our people in the governance of their affairs and provide within the framework of our national unity for the decentralization of powers;
And for this purpose we now give ourselves this Constitution.”
Sir Allan: Thank you Secretariat. This is where the Solomon Islands Government has failed. Governments have failed to be guided by the preamble of the Constitution. That was the root cause of the 1998 uprising.
There was no fair distribution, and the list goes on. That is the picture, and that is how Solomon Islands should have operated. But because we serve the principle the preamble of the Constitution and we are giving things on ad hoc basis, to me, it is like ruling this country through systems and policies that don’t have foundations but on systems and policies hanging in the air and not on the ground.
The fact that colonial governments and churches succeeded is because they go down to the people. Look at the headmen system of the past. It was the chiefs and elders in the villages that judge cases. Today it is different. The justice system has lost or was broken somewhere. The system has broken down. The area constable system has broken down. There is no longer the use of the wisdom of our traditional leaders. There is no respect to the many customs and traditions stated in the Constitution. There is no distribution of resources owned by people. There is no respect of human dignity. Because all those elements are missing, that is why to me, personally, people have risen against the state.
The preamble also says that everyone in Solomon Islands own Solomon Islands, and not only a few. Last night I watched a TV program about the rich oil countries of the world. In fact, they are the richest in the world but they are also the poorest in the world. That is one sad story I would like to tell the committee first of all. Let me come back to your task. That is just an opening statement. We will now start, and that is in 1998 fighting started. In my own view, the cause is because successive governments have forgotten the number one bible, the Constitution.
When I took the government in 2001, this country went from bad to worse. I want this committee through the Secretariat to research and get statistics, data, figures, facts from 1998 to 2003. That will justify your case to present before Parliament. For me, when I took the government in 2001 services were severely affected. This is a fact that you want, and that is what I am starting to give now. Services were severely affected or may be nothing at all. One of my Ministers was also killed. They shot dead one of my Ministers and even the Prime Minister was shot. Lucky I am still alive and talking to you today otherwise I should have been killed and gone to the final home of every one of us.
Some loyal police officers were also killed. That is why I said check the records for these information. Patrol boat equipments were taken away. People in rural Guadalcanal and other islands escaped into the bush and became refugees in their own land.
The other question here is whether the Constitution was also affected. I want you to get back your Constitution. If you base your argument on whether or not we continue then you have to get your facts right. Look at Chapter 2 of the Constitution. Were the fundamental rights and freedoms of individuals going ahead that time or not? Were it not? If not then we are in breach of the Constitution. What about protection of right to life? There was also none. What about protection from slavery? I don’t know, but check it. What about protection from inhuman treatment? What about protection from deprivation of property? May be or maybe not. What about protection for privacy of home and other property? I don’t think so, and the list goes on, we don’t want to bore the Committee.
But again I am asking the committee to look back at the Constitution. To me, many provisions in the Constitution were breached. That is the point I want to put forward to the Committee.
I would like to add on some more because you want facts on why I invited RAMSI into the country, and so you have to get it from me because I was the leader then. There was breaking into the Police armories of Auki, the Police Headquarters, Yandina and Tulagi. Arming of unlawful society. Yes! House arrest of the Prime Minister, yes! Six pay arrears of public servants. And as I said there were no services to the provinces, and even three provinces wanted to break away at that time - Makira, Temotu and Rennell and Bellona. The Police Force was highly compromised, the Prison Service was highly compromised, and there was even a breakaway at the Prison Service. Doors were broken down and every prisoner ran away, no one was left. Closure of companies, no debt servicing, and basic services like health, education were virtually none. Institutions were highly compromised, public service morale was very low because of no salary. High degree of cases happened, and so the list goes on. I don’t want to bother the committee to find the facts.
The third point is what have successive governments been doing? What have successive governments from 1998 to 2003 have been doing? The Honiara Peace Accord of 28th June 1999 was signed. The Marau Communiqué was signed om 15th July 1999. A Memorandum of Understanding between the Solomon Islands Government and Guadalcanal Province was signed on 13th June 1999. The Buala Peace Communiqué was signed on 15th May 2000. The Auki Communiqué was signed on 12th May 2000. The Cease Fire Agreement onboard the Naval Ship, Tobruks was signed on 2nd August 2000. The Townsville Peace Agreement was signed on the 15th October 2000. The Marau Peace Agreement was signed on the 7th February 2001 but what happened? What happened? To me these all failed! Failed!
So Mr Chairman and honorable Members of this Committee, who can run the country in such a situation? Let me justify one of the failures. The cease fire is supposed to be laying down of arms, but the next day Kakabona people were shot at and killed. That is a failure. Disarmament is for everyone to give up their guns but only homemade guns were handed it and high-powered ones were kept. It failed within 30 days. Amnesty is handing in of weapons, ammunition and property and you are given amnesty. It failed too. Restructuring of the Police Force also failed. Surrendering of weapons and demilitarization of the country also failed. Therefore, all attempts at that time failed. So we are sitting down to look at it. The only stage the country did not reach is for it to be fragmented because if that had happened, it would be the end of Solomon Islands. So what are we going to do? What are you going to do?
If leaders think the intervention was raised with other bodies like the Forum, the United Nation, the Commonwealth or with leaders of other countries, let me say that raising it is one word and approaching it is another word. Thos are two different terminologies. You raise it in meetings or in letters but you have to do the approach. These are two different terminologies, and you must understand it.
No wonder one of the Prime Ministers’ at that period of time said, when I asked for panadol you gave me aspirin. No wonder the United Nations, the Commonwealth and the Forum said it is an internal matter of Solomon Islands and has nothing to do with them. That was their response. Therefore, those leaders who think that this Mission came in at the stroke of the pen have to do their homework first. Somebody somewhere somehow made some tough decisions, risks the situation and brought the Mission to Solomon Islands. If anybody assumes that we brought the Mission in at the stroke of the pen or because it was raised with some other Forums they have to do some homework. To bring the Mission into Solomon Islands needs approach with respect and with conditions. When you talk about conditions you have to make some tough decisions and you also risk you own personal life.
What I did as a leader of the country then is first of all to secure the consent of ex-militants. I must secure the ex-militants. I have to get their consent, and they must agree that we need a buffer in Solomon Islands. I consulted Cabinet, I consulted the Opposition, I consulted Members of Parliament, I consulted the Guadalcanal Provincial Government and the Malaita Provincial Government and other stakeholders. This must be raised with them to know their positions because if that is not done then you are creating an avenue of confrontation. That’s why I said it is not easy as one would think.
When that is secured you have to find who will be paying the Mission. Find out from donors who are prepared to meet the cost. Fortunately, I found a few donors who agreed to pay. A few donors, remember this, only a few donors, and this is the first time I admit this to the general public of Solomon Islands. Because of courtesy reason and Australia is a big brother, I have to go and talk with the Prime Minister of Australia then, John Howard, and he kindly accepted to look at how best we can bring a mission to Solomon Islands. He knew about it because my letter was in his file in Canberra. My name was in the highest secret files in Canberra to look at this Mission. Remember the word ‘I have secured a few donors’.
But we have agreed actions, we have agreed actions. Fortunately, Mr Chairman, you were my Foreign Affairs Minister at that time and the agreed actions was to use the vehicle the Forum called the Bekitawa Declaration. The condition of the Bekitawa Declaration is that you have to comply with other conditions as well. And one of the conditions is for the Foreign Affairs Minister of the Forum Countries to sit down and discuss this issue. That is the report I mentioned earlier on.
There is also condition for the Solomon Islands Government to take it further, and that is why the Facilitation of International Assistance Act came about, the Facilitation of International Assistance Notice came about, the International the Treaty of 2003 came about, which is attached to this report here; they all in here. I thank the Secretariat for sending me copies making me recall my memory. They are all in here. If you have copies there, have a look at it.
That was the condition, and was finally signed in Auckland at the Forum Meeting by Forum Leaders in 2005. But if you look here there were only a few countries that agreed to it in the first place to come and assist.
So the Mission is now in Solomon Islands with three conditions:-
- Law and order;
- Institutional strengthening; and
- Improvement of the economy of the country.
The question before this committee is whether we have already finished the work with the Mission? To me, it is not yet. Remember my opening statement I said that we have a long way yet to go. It is true that law and order has been restored but it’s still fragile. It is normal but still fragile. We have just started on institutional strengthening and we still have a long way to do. Bringing the economy of the country back, we have already started but there is still a long way to go. I’ll tell you why later on. Those are some positives.
In 2003 you also find some positives. Let’s not be negative so much. As I have said, services returned, grants to provinces is going ahead, salaries paid in time, we are making surpluses in our budget, debt servicing is going ahead – it has resumed, high profiles like myself were taken to court and now in prison, tourist arrivals increased, industries were reopened, donor confidence came back, people can now move from place to place, there is public confidence. These are the positives and we have a long way to go.
What is the argument here and what is the problem we are seeing after five years? To me it’s like this. What we are experiencing so that we start to talk about sovereignty and integrity, RAMSI is operating another government, other aid donors are also coming up with their own agendas, and so there is need for everybody to come back. That’s what we are saying this time.
For me, it’s like this. This is where two cultures collide. Two cultures meet but cannot match each other. That is what I called it. The white man culture and Solomon Islands culture come together and collide. Remember my opening statement that Solomon Islands is already a divided country. They already live in their little kingdoms.
So where are we going to go from here? Complaints came about because of the policies of successive governments, and we are saying to our partners “look, we have this piece of policy here, can you come along and help us to improve it”, and this would be in terms of development. Tell them that we are representing all these little kingdoms. We have been elected by our people from all these scattered islands and this divided country and we represent them in this National Parliament as a symbol of unity for our country. This is our policy.
I am happy with the Forum Task Force Review on RAMSI Report 2007. Read paragraph 16,17,44,45 and you will see it suggesting the same views I am seeing and the same direction that I also see. It is harmonization of the two cultures. The moment we overlook parts of these two cultures, we will further divide Solomon Islands.
If this Mission is a partnership then this is my recommendation before the committee:-
- This Committee to consider adopting the Forum Review Task Force on RAMSI’s recommendation. I would like you to adopt that one. That’s my personal recommendation and not yours.
- This Committee to consider coming up with a conclusion that RAMSI is to work closely with relevant government ministries and aid donors to address issues, policies, systems, economic developments in all provinces, including the Honiara City Council and Noro Town Council.
- This Committee to consider and recommend in its conclusion that the Honiara Club; remember the word ‘Honiara Club’, any Member who doesn’t understand the word must ask the Chairman and he will tell you because he was the chairman of the club in the past.
What I meant by the Honiara Club is that all donors, and even the MP for Vona Vona knows this very well, he was once a chairman too, and my government started this club, to make sure that it must be revitalized. The Chairman understands this very well, and so there is no need for me to further explain.
The Honiara Club, NGOs, the relevant government ministries and RAMSI must meet once every month under the chairmanship of the Minister of Planning and Aid Coordination for the purpose of stock taking to avoid duplications, and the Minister to report to Cabinet monthly.
- That this Committee to consider making a conclusion that the Economic Reform Unit of the Ministry of Finance and Treasury to spearhead consultation and dialogue and facilitate investments similar to that of GPPOL in Temotu and all provinces – all provinces. The investors have waited too long; they are there already and it is us who did not facilitate investment. The investors have been waiting for too long because we did not facilitate investment.
- This Committee to consider making a conclusion for Parliament to deliberate approaching Australia or America asking them to come and establish their military base in Solomon Islands. They come and establish their military base in Solomon Islands for two reasons. First, it will attract a lot of foreign earnings to the economy of Solomon Islands. Secondly, for the long term security and stability of our country. However, this base to be none interference in the affairs of Solomon Islands; it must not talk about anything in Solomon Islands or not to interfere on government decision. They can come and make their base and stay here, do whatever they want but not to interfere in government business.
- That this Committee to consider in its conclusion that RAMSI works with the National Disaster Council to draw up a contingency plan for the country and support it with logistics. This is a vulnerable country, have you forgotten?
- That this Committee to consider and recommend that RAMSI continues further training it is doing now, and provide logistics that are very essential to (a) public officers and civilians, (b) Police and Prison officers, and (c) all line posts in the public service must be handed to Solomon Islanders except – and this is my own view, except the Commissioner of Police and the Commissioner of Correctional Services where I am staying now – Prison.
Finally an exit strategy, to me, is not an issue. Exit strategy is not an issue we should be talking about because RAMSI has exited a long time ago – a long time ago. They are starting to exit and are going out. Have we not realized this? So it’s not an issue, to me, but it is a gradual exercise undertaken by them. If you don’t believe me then see for yourselves where are all the army personnel who used to be stationed at the Henderson Airport? They have all gone. Where are the protection officers of the Prime Minister? They have gone already. Where are those in other branches of the Police? They have gone back. The exit strategy is continuing now, people are leaving. Those whom I used to work with in the Prime Minister’s Office before have all gone. So it’s a gradual process and they will finally leave when the job is done.
Remember that somebody has already spent millions of dollars on this Mission for and on behalf of the region. Remember those words. And they want a success story in the end. I think that is the agenda of Forum leaders – that it must succeed. It is the first of its kind and it must succeed. How? Everybody must work together. For what? It must be for the good of our people and country.
Remember my words that we are trying to bring this divided country to unite, lest you forget. In the absence of this, Mr Chairman and my Members of Parliament, last time I called you colleagues. This is my submission. I want to thank the Chairman once again, the Clerk, the Secretariat and everybody for giving me time to come and give my views, my assessments, and my recommendations to this Committee. I cannot miss this opportunity because I won’t have this opportunity again, but I would like to thank the Deputy National Coordinator of RAMSI and other personnel for the great job they have done so far. Through you, this Committee, to the Forum Island Member countries, we wish to thank them. I also wish to thank ex-militants, the Provincial Governments of Guadalcanal and Malaita and other senior public officers for their understanding and tolerance during those hard times and also the cooperation and prayers of the general public. I wish to thank the former Monitoring Council, the Peace Monitoring Council and the current organization which continues to work with the Ministry. I wish to thank past and present governments, Members of Parliament past and present for their understanding, support and cooperation during those hard times. The legal issues are already at hand, so use it properly for the good of our people.
Finally, from me personally, I want RAMSI to finish the job. I mentioned our failures, success stories, harmonization and the future prospects of our country. Just keep our country unified. You are great leaders. I have every trust and confidence in you that you are going to do it for our country and people. Thank you. Any questions?
Mr Chairman: Thank you Sir Allan, I thank you for your statement. I’m sure the Committee has a lot of questions to ask you. I had four questions but I think I can only ask one.
Sir Allan, there are not many of them around this world, possibly only about 200 of them in the world, they are very special people called Prime Ministers. What in your opinion makes a good Prime Minister?
Sir Allan: Tough decisions, risking your personal life in making a good decision.
Mr Chairman: Thank you. I will now open the floor to the committee.
Hon. Wale: Sir in your statement today you mentioned the approach you made to Australia and our other regional friends where you also made some conditions, and no doubt they too must put conditions on the assistance or help they are giving us. One main condition, which I suppose some people have been talking about a lot, is the condition of immunity. Do you want to say a bit more in your discussions on your views on immunity that is accorded to RAMSI officers and the boundaries that you have seen during that time, which is important for immunity to be given to them at that time?
Sir Allan: This issue is in international conventions and protocols. That is why if you read the Foreign Affairs Group Report the answer of your question is inside that report. The Forum Task Force Review on RAMSI Report No. 7, the answer of your question is inside. They are also on the same line. It is convention and protocol. Solomon Islands cannot make its own conventions and protocols. No. We are part and parcel of these conventions and we are signatories to these conventions and protocols. If we don’t want it then we must change it so that we are not a member.
Hon. Wale: Perhaps I come back to you again. As Prime Minister in that critical time, how much of the immunity was an issue to you as it is an issue to some who are making noise about it today, and comparing your thinking on this immunity back then when you had to make that decision and looking at this issue of immunity this time, what do you think about it now?
Sir Allan: That is why I say you cannot change it. You cannot change it because this is an international rule, and it was not made only for Solomon Islands. That is why it is called conventions and protocols. Whether it be the United Nation, the Commonwealth, the Forum, it is the same. That is why it is called the Vienna Convention.
Hon. Soalaoi: Sir, I agree with you that RAMSI has to finish its task, and the least that our donor community expects is failure, and you said that what they would want to see is a success story in the end after having spent a substantial amount of resources on the Mission. But I guess the greatest challenge for us Solomon Islands is how to sustain the achievements of RAMSI. Just briefly, what would be your suggestions as to how we can sustain RAMSI achievements so far?
Sir Allan: That is why I put in my recommendations that all line posts must be given to Solomon Islanders and they assume the role of advisory where training must go ahead and we must look very carefully at sensitive areas.
Those people don’t want to remain in Solomon Islands forever because they have their own beautiful homes and countries, they are well paid and it is up to us Solomon Islanders to take over the responsibilities and sustain them. That is why I include this as one of your recommendations, which is exactly the point you have and is your worry.
Hon. Tosika: Sir Allan, earlier on in your speech you mentioned about a very few donors. Who are these few donors you mentioned?
Sir Allan: It’s top secret only known to me. The secret file is in Canberra.
Hon. Tosika: The other question is, when you talk about the three things that RAMSI is here to fulfill, which are law and order, institutional strengthening and improvement of the economy. I think law and order has been achieved by RAMSI in most areas and we are seeing restoration of peace and normality in the country. On institutional strengthening, I understand that it is happening in the Prison Service, the Police and other organizations where training is ongoing in these fields with their expertise. In terms of improvement of the economy, what improvements do you prefer to see on the economy? What actually do you want RAMSI to do in terms of improving the economy of Solomon Islands?
Sir Allan: That is why I made one recommendation, which is recommendation four. I said that they must use the Economic Review Unit in the Ministry of Finance and Treasury to spearhead investment developments similar to that of GPPOL. They should not be sitting down there doing petty and routine issues, but they have to do the hard bang. I called it hard bang. Like what I have done and succeeded the GPPOL. You bang it much harder and you will succeed. I put that in my recommendation through your Chairman unless you did not have it. It is recorded here and so later you will get it.
Hon. Ghiro: Sir Allan, we know that RAMSI has been here for five years. I would like to know your views on what are some of the successes and shortfalls of RAMSI since it has been here in Solomon Islands for five years?
Sir Allan: I think I put in my presentation the ‘success stories’ that after five years we found out that some areas need improvement. That is why I recommended that the two cultures must harmonize. That would be the improvement for us to see because the Sogavare Government talked so much about sovereignty and integrity. That is good, that is his view, but how are we going to put it together, this view and your views to harmonize the two cultures so that we can tune in and address the divided country, Solomon Islands.
Secondly, in my statement I mentioned that we must quickly create the Honiara Club so that it is an avenue where they can talk about the good and bad things about each other and not to fight in public.
Thirdly, I said that we must try to tune in to the policies of successive governments. And the only way to do that is to revisit the Honiara Club. Thank you.
Hon Maelanga: Sir Allan, what are your views on the Peace Accords that have been signed during the ethnic crisis? One is the Townsville Peace Agreement, which included amnesty or amnesty was signed during the Townsville Peace Agreement that you mentioned. In your view, do you think it is best to review the amnesty or not?
Sir Allan: That is a very delicate question. I talked about amnesty today and I also mentioned that the failure of the amnesty is by all parties such as the Malaita Eagle Force, the Isatabu Freedom Movement, the Solomon Islands Government, the Malaita Provincial Government and the Guadalcanal Provincial Government. All these parties have failed in one way or the other to implement the amnesty.
Amnesty was made, and we must understand that amnesty is only for a certain period and that once the period lapsed, the Act repeals itself, it becomes non-existent. It was during that course of time that people were supposed to bring their guns, issued with a certificate and then forgiven. That did not go on well, and that is why I said there is a failure in the system perhaps or confidence and trust may be. But when RAMSI arrived in Solomon Islands, everyone agreed and handed in their guns. Remember that RAMSI gave another 28 days amnesty and at that time all the guns were surrendered, and it succeeded. One or two were still being hidden somewhere but they will rust. That was the position then.
The reason why some are still holding on to guns is because may be they have no confidence on each other. One group is saying if we surrender our guns will the other group not shoot us. The other group also had the same thinking. But when RAMSI came in there was confidence building, there is a buffer where RAMSI is in the middle telling them to come forward that despite of being angry with another man I am here now and so everybody handed in their high powered weapons. That would be my guess.
Hon. Kengava: Sir Allan, in your statement earlier on you mentioned a very important point, and that is Solomon Islands is a divided nation. My question is, do you think the state government system will further divide us or brings us much closer? If it will bring us much closer because most provinces or all people want the state government system, in what way would the new constitution help us not to be a divided nation but a more united nation?
Sir Allan: Now I am outside of the present government or any government or Parliament because I am a prisoner, and so I can make my own views. We must improve infrastructures in the country. We must build investments in the country. We must give back resource owners the maximum benefits due to them from investments, for example, GPPOL. We must give autonomy to our people in the provinces so that they can participate in economic activities and only then will the state government idea melted down; it will melt down by itself, it will be dismantled. I say this because people just want maximum benefits from their resources, they want good infrastructures, and they want good services.
Federalism is only about power. But what is power going to do for us. We must provide investment opportunity for our people so that they can take part in economic activities. We must build good roads and proper bridges, wharves, provide better shipping services, build clinics, hospitals, classrooms and whatever and gradually this thinking will fade away.
I am not totally ruling off state government but it is not a priority to me at this time. It is not a priority to me. It might be for you. Our Party, the PAP, its first priority is to build infrastructures. Remember my colleague that it is according to Party and not according to Member because you are an honorable Member and I am a prisoner.
We have to first build the infrastructures of the country then the economy will lie down and the country will go forward. That was our policy, remember, it is a PAP policy.
Hon. Kengava: Just one supplementary. Thank you Sir, I think you mentioned the Federal System of Government or State Government might melt away suppose we actually meet the needs of the provinces, especially economically and socially. I think one of the very strong policies of our Party that you mentioned was decentralization. We should be like the process in between the unified system we are following today – the provincial government and may be state government.
What is your advice in order to make the process meet the needs of people through decentralization?
Sir Allan: That is why I asked the Secretariat to read the preamble of the Constitution. The Constitution says at (e) that we shall ensure the participation of our people in the governance of their affairs and provide within the framework of our national unity for decentralization of powers. That’s it. It’s all in the Constitution, and must not be broken because if you want to break the Constitution then you make an amendment.
Hon. Boyers: As far as I’m concerned I don’t think I can ask you any questions because I think you covered them very well in your presentation. But as an inmate I would like to ask you a question seeing that you are in there, how do you view the conditions in the prison and do you see a difference and is this a reflection of RAMSI’s capacity building in infrastructure assistance. What advice or recommendations would you have for any people in Solomon Islands who are at large or may be fugitives, what sort of message would you like to give to them?
Sir Allan: I am not entitled to answer that question. I’m a prisoner and I cannot criticize where I am now. But if you ask for my personal view I am happy, I am relaxed and I am enjoying my life in prison. I have more time to think and doing a lot in prison to prepare for my coming back. Thank you.
Hon Maelanga: I would like to ask a question related to what the Deputy Speaker has asked in regards to the statement you made that Solomon Islands is a divided country. If it is a divided country, as you have said, how can we rebuild this divided country? Today you stated some points related to the Constitution and it is true when the Secretariat read the Constitution that it is related to our traditions, customs, cultures, and all these which can make a strong relationship between our islands.
I want to ask you Sir Allan, what are your views because today we are seeing many things that are making us divided and we are trying to make it united not through custom. That is why I want to ask this question Sir Allan that what are your views on this? Thank you.
Sir Allan: That is why I posed two questions earlier on, on why the colonial government succeeded and why the Churches succeeded in ruling Solomon Islands for the last 100 years. Why did the Solomon Islands Governments failed in the last 30 years? Then I gave some ingredients on this.
I recommended to this Committee harmonization of the two cultures - the Solomon Islands culture and Whiteman’s culture for that reason, and that is the unity of Solomon Islands. And who represents that, in my statement? I said it is the 50 Members of Parliament. Where? This floor of Parliament is the symbol of unity of our country.
Hon. Soalaoi: Sir, I think being the Prime Minister who invited RAMSI into the country, I must thank you for doing that. Without your wisdom in inviting RAMSI I think we would not know where we would be at this time. So before I ask my question related to the coming of RAMSI, I would like to sincerely thank you for making that tough decision.
Sir, the three areas you mentioned in your statement are law and order, institutional strengthening and revival of the economy. Basically, if you are to measure achievements in these three areas, how far you think RAMSI has succeeded in these three areas may be in terms of percentage or how you would like to measure it. Do you think RAMSI has succeeded in these three areas then how far in terms of law and order, institutional strengthening and revival of our economy? Thank you Chairman.
Sir Allan: Thank you Chairman for that important question. I think you might remember when I said an exit strategy is not an issue to me because RAMSI personnel have already started leaving sometime ago and are continuing to leave. And my next statement is when they finish the job. There is no time factor inside until the last man leaves.
For us to put a time factor on RAMSI would be making an ill-decision to the country. Leave them to finish their work, maybe 5 years, 6 years, 7 years or 10 years time but they gradually phase out, those who finish their job can go back until may be, for example, only the Commissioner of Police remains but all the RAMSI personnel are going back. A mini exit of RAMSI is going on now in some areas. I can’t give you any time frame; I am not in a better position to give you that. But the word I use is ‘when they finish the work’ thank you and you can go. I think that is in this report if you read this report. These three reports all talk about the same word, ‘when they finish the job’.
Hon. Wale: Sir, as a Prime Minister who brought in RAMSI and personally copped a lot of flak for the decisions you took and there have been some of our prominent leaders who have been talking too much about sovereignty, in your views since you invited RAMSI into the country until now, have you ever seen our sovereignty ever breached or hijacked by RAMSI since they came into the country. Can you pinpoint some areas where RAMSI has breached sovereignty or has this matter of sovereignty ever been of concern to you?
Sir Allan: There may be overlaps, and that is why I recommended in one of my recommendations when I talk about the policy of the government, any governments to create the checking mechanisms to avoid this. There maybe overlaps, not really but overlaps. But to avoid that I recommend a checks and balance mechanism to you, and that is if you consider it necessary then you can recommend it for you to battle it on the floor of Parliament, you MPs.
Hon. Tosika: Sir Allan you mentioned today that there are various communiqués that were in place, like the Honiara Peace Accord, the Marau Communiqué and also the Buala, Auki and the TPA. I understand the TPA is an agreement between two warring parties coming together to identify the things that need to be done in these two provinces, and infrastructure is one. In my view, and as you rightly mentioned earlier on, the TPA has never been implemented or it was not honored or it failed as you said earlier on.
Do you think any government or RAMSI in this case should re-look into the TPA with the view of putting into effect some of the agreements so that people in the two provinces can feel it, especially at this point in time after the tension people are still squatting outside town, and this is one of the things that people from Guadalcanal are not happy about. This is still breeding the feeling of insecurity on people of Guadalcanal and also in some ways not respecting them. But the TPA spells out very clearly the building of infrastructures and things that would promote people to go back to the two provinces to enhance an increase of productivity and also investment in those two provinces.
Sir, in your views, do you think there is need to re-look at the TPA once again so that if there is need RAMSI to consider and analyze the TPA so that whatever shortcomings there are can be improved in order to create harmony amongst the two Provinces?
Sir Allan: That is a good question, but in my view, the TPA, the Malaita Leaders Summit and the Guadalcanal Leaders Summit, these two communiqués have superseded the TPA. What is in the TPA was already taken onboard by the Malaita Leaders Summit at Auki and also the Guadalcanal Leaders’ Summit at Tetere. If you read these two reports and you look back on the TPA, it has been superseded.
Your point is valid and I’m happy that the former Mayor of the Honiara City Council is starting to have dialogue with the two leaders of these two Provinces to address important issues of this nature.
For this very reason what is in here, and I make one recommendation for your consideration that the Economic Reform Unit of the Ministry of Finance and Treasury must spearhead all investment industries in the Provinces, including Malaita and Guadalcanal. And to take infrastructure developments with aid partners in the Honiara Club.
The Economic Reform Unit concentrates on the investment package of provinces whilst the Honiara Club with the other stakeholders discusses infrastructure developments of our provinces including Noro Town Council and the Honiara City Council. That is why I made that recommendation. It is exactly the point I took out from this one.
Hon. Kengava: Sir, I am interested to hear further explanation on one of your recommendations, which is that Solomon Islands should offer either to Australia or the United States of America to come and establish a military base in the country. Can you further explain why such a base will be good for the Solomon Islands security and prosperity or whatever it is? I want further explanation on this recommendation.
Sir Allan: I only have two, and that is what I told you earlier on, and that is for the economy of the country. Like what South Korea is now enjoying, the Philippines is now enjoying, Guam is now enjoying, and the list goes on all over the world. It is one of the sources of foreign earnings. But the long term reason is because of what you all know, and that is for us not to repeat what has happened in this country. Their presence is stability for the country and long term security. They will not be here to fight with us, but they are just here to carry out their exercises and whatever it is that they are going to do. They will not interfere with the government too. This is happening everywhere, and so why should it be not considered by us. That is just my personal views, and if anyone criticizes it then it is up to him. But that is one of my recommendations. And when I’m in prison I think more, my brain is opened up and so this is a starting plan for this country.
Mr Chairman: Sir Allan, with that consideration of asking Australia and American base, perhaps you should look at a New Zealand Base at Mono.
Sir Allan: I don’t dispute any option. It can be anyone. There is no hard and fuss about it.
Mr Chairman: Just on a lighter note, Sir, I have one last question. You have worked with three Coordinators, one when you were a Prime Minister and the others when you were a Minister. I assume you have worked with Nick Warner, James Bartley, and as a Minister with Tim George. What were they like? They are human beings just like anyone of us but what were they like when you worked with them?
Sir Allan: I think they know their job. One thing is that they want to work with the Solomon Islands Government and people, and so it is up to us to open up and listen to their views and ideas. They are all the same except their personal characters that I don’t want to be involved in.
Mr Chairman: Thank you, Sir Allan. There are no questions and so I thank you for your participation in our meeting. Thank you very much.
The sitting adjourned